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MEXICO CITY — In a climate of frustration watch replicawith politics as usual, Mexicans voted Sunday in midterm elections that are likely to turn on President Felipe Calderón’s handling of the global economic crisis and his crackdown on drug trafficking cartels.

The economy is expected to contract fake watchesas much as 8 percent this year, and the government has been criticized for moving too slowly to respond to the crisis. But Mr. Calderón’s conservative National Action Party has tried to keep the campaign focused on the government’s popular social programs and its attack on organized crime.

Although election results were not expectedfake watch until late Sunday, the strategy seems to have partly worked. A majority of Mexicans support Mr. Calderón’s decision to take on the powerful drug cartels even though drug-related violence continues to grow and almost 800 people werecheap watches killed in June, a record. He remains personally popular, with an approval rating of 69 percent, according to a nationwide poll published in the newspaper Reforma in June.

Recent polls show that his party, known as the PAN, is expected to lose seats in Congress, but not in the wholesale sweep by the opposition that manyrolex replica analysts predicted three months ago.

The Institutional Revolutionary Party, or PRI, which governed Mexico for 71 years before losing the presidency in 2000, is expected to replace the PAN as the largest party in Congress. It is unlikely to win a majority, though, and will need to negotiate with the PAN or smaller parties to pass legislation.

The PRI, a nominally centrist party, has not directly opposed Mr. Calderón’s drug policies but has campaigned on its experience and vague promises to improve security.

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A movement asking voters to cast a blank ballot, or “nulo” vote, as a protest has been the talk of the news media over the past month. One recent nationwide telephone poll by Reforma found that 17 percent of voters planned to cast a blank vote, but nobody is sure how far the movement extends beyond urban educated voters.

In addition, election officials expected some 60 to 70 percent of voters to sit out the vote, which will replace all 500 members of the lower house of Congress, the Chamber of Deputies. Voters will also replace six governors and hundreds of mayors and local legislators.


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1) I never had any kind of in-person discussion with him.wholesale watches The closest I came was during the Vietnam era, when he was making what he thought would be a routine visit to Harvard -- and to his enormous surprise was engulfed by seas of protestors who immobilized his car and yelled "Murderer!" at him. I was a newly arrived freshman and was walking down to sports practice when I found the street full of people and police surrounding a big black limo. Thirty years later, I ended up sitting next to McNamara on a DC subway car and decided not to say anything.

2) I know some of his relatives and in-laws. Theywholesale watch loved and also respected him, and I am sorry for the loss of their father and grandfather.

3) In 1995, when McNamara published his In Retrospect memoir of the Vietnam War, I reacted very harshly in an NPR commentary. My argument was that he had missed his chance for a respectful hearing for his admission that the war in Vietnam was a mistake. If he hadn't done anything about that war when it could have made a difference, then there was no reason to, in effect, ask for public sympathy and understanding replica watchesfor his belated recognition of error. (Quotes after the jump.)

My tone then was harsher than I would be now. Perhaps that's just because I'm older; perhaps because McNamara has now died; perhaps because he had fifteen more years to be involved in worthy causes, mainly containing the risk of nuclear war or accident. But mainly I think it is because of Errol Morris' remarkable 2003 film The Fog of War, which portrayed McNamara as a combative and hyper-competitive man (in his 80s, he was still pointing out that he had been top of his elementary-school class) but as a person of moral seriousness who agonized not just about Vietnam but also the fire-bombing of Tokyo during World War II, which he had helped plans as a young defense analyst.

4) In an interview with Sam Stein of Huffington Post, Errol Morris talks about McNamara's moral seriousness and Morris' ultimate respect and sympathy for him. He also echoes the main grounds of my attack on McNamara from the time In Retrospect was published:

"I share one thing with McNamara's critics. As a friend of mine said to me, I can forgive him for Vietnam. I can forgive him for this. I can forgive him for that. But I can never forgive him for not speaking up about the war in the years following his resignation as defense secretary. I kind of agree that was his most significant failing."


5) The greatest defense of McNamara's life and works will, I suspect, rest not on his poverty-alleviation projects as head of the World Bank but instead on his consistent efforts, from the Kennedy administration onward, to reduce the risk of accidental or intentional use of nuclear weapons. This included his role during the most dangerouswatches replica moment of of the Cold War era, the Cuban Missile Crisis in 1962.*

6) Among many reasons to mourn David Halberstam's death in a traffic accident two years ago is the loss of the opportunity to hear his retrospect on McNamara. In The Best and the Brightest Halberstam wrote the passage that framed understandingreplica watch of McNamara for years to come, which wound up this way:

He did not serve himself or his country well. He was, there is no kinder or gentler word for it, a fool.


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